Eighty years ago, a milestone in Nazi road-building and mileposts in appeasement
Hitler addressed a lunch for
3,000 construction workers invited to celebrate the completion of the 3,000th
kilometer of Autobahnen in Germany.
The final stretched had been formally opened by Fritz Todt, the German construction supremo who had just published a hagiographic book on Hitler and the Autobahnnen. Hitler emphasised the part that the road programme had played in the elimination of
unemployment and touched other economic themes as well. The massive programme of
fortifications then under way, notably the Westwall
(Siegfried Line to the British) along the frontier with France was part of the
same quasi-Keynesian plan as well as a military necessity. Germany needed to be
self-sufficient to be strong. The other power forbade her to have colonies.
Britain's civil defence chief, Sir John Anderson a civil servant lightly rebranded as a non-party politician, anounced a massive construction programme of air raid shelters. It was to cost the gigantic sum of £22m. The shelters were to be dispersed, close to homes and workplaces. He eschewed the "molelike" idea of large, deep communal shelters.
Britain's civil defence chief, Sir John Anderson a civil servant lightly rebranded as a non-party politician, anounced a massive construction programme of air raid shelters. It was to cost the gigantic sum of £22m. The shelters were to be dispersed, close to homes and workplaces. He eschewed the "molelike" idea of large, deep communal shelters.
An opposition motion of censure
on the government’s foreign policy gave Neville Chamberlain the opportunity to
make a high-profile speech in its defence. It was closely analysed in both
Berlin and Rome. The Germany press, in practice a register of government
opinion, welcomed Chamberlain’s admission that Germany had been harshly treated
under the Versailles Treaties but deplored his failure to praise Germany’s
recent contribution to European peace. Chamberlain rather felt that his
contribution here had been decisive but would doubtless have slipped in a kind
word had he been given a hint it was desirable. Italian interest in the speech
centred on anything it might say in advance of Chamberlain’s visit to Rome in
January. The Italian government had not been pleased at a recent suggestions
that the visit would be pointless if Italy continued her campaign for
territorial concessions by France and was alert to any sign that Chamberlain
might affirm British support for France over the issue. In the event
Chamberlain restricted himself to friendly generalities.
The President of the Reichsbank
Hjalmar Schacht brought an ingenious proposal to London under which Germany could
raise a loan secured on the assets of Jews blocked in Germany. This would be
used to fund their emigration. As Britain was bearing some of the cost of
supporting refugees already, it did not appear a particularly equitable scheme.
Schacht also appeared to more interested in fending off British attempts to
subsidize its exporters to eastern Europe than to improve trade generally.
In the final few months of its
existence the Spanish Republican government came up with a purge fully worthy
of Stalin, who was now the dominant influence in Catalonia. It was claimed that
a massive spy ring had been discovered, 200 of whose members had been sentenced
to death another 200 to long terms of imprisonment. Their supposed offences
included signalling to Nationalist bombers targets to attack. Lurking in the
background was the savage measures being taken against anyone suspected of
Trotskyism. Even in extremis the
Spanish Communist party was more concerned to toe Moscow’s line than fight
Franco.
Comments
Post a Comment